Black Gold
May 31, 2007
This looks like a good film. I hope the Centre for Contemporary Arts has a screeing some time soon.
Against Neoliberalism: A Vision for the Future
May 31, 2007
Michael Albert at the Department of Geography and Sociology, University of Strathclyde. I had recorded this late last year, but only managed to put it online now. Michael is the founder of ZNet and one of the world’s leading thinkers and writers who has consistently put forward models of alternative development for the globe at a time of increasing crisis for humanity and the planet. Along with Robin Hahnel, he has developed an economic vision called participatory economics, or Parecon.
The New York Times and Israel
May 31, 2007
Following up on The Record of the Paper, their superb and devastating analysis of the New York Times‘ systematic bias in reporting on issues bearing on US foreign policy, Howard Friel and Richard Falk have returned with a new book Israel-Palestine on the Record. In the new book, Friel, an exceptional media analyst, and Falk, one of the world’s leading authorites on international law turn their focus on how the New York Times consistently presents a skewed image of the Israel-Palestine conflict. I will be reviewing the book soon, but for now, here is a new article by Howard Friel, in which he demonstrates how a pro-Israel bias is built into the NYT‘s coverage of the conflict. [For more on the new book, check out this interview with Friel]
On Wednesday, May 23, Amnesty International reported that, in 2006, Palestinians killed more than 650 Israelis, including 120 Israeli children, while the Israelis killed 27 Palestinians, including one Palestinian child. Readers of the New York Times would not be surprised to read such figures, since the Times regularly features Palestinian violence on the front page and elsewhere in the front section.The problem with the Times’ depiction of Palestinian violence, however, on the occasion of Amnesty’s 2007 annual report and other such reports, is that Amnesty actually reported the opposite—in 2006 Israel killed over 650 Palestinians, including 120 children, while Palestinians killed 27 Israelis, including one child. One Israeli child killed by Palestinian terrorists is one child too many; likewise with respect to the 20 Israeli civilians that Palestinians also killed in 2006. Most people in the United States rightfully condemn the Palestinians who kill innocent and unarmed Israelis. But what about the Israeli government and military officials who authorized and carried out the policies that killed 120 Palestinian children and another 200 Palestinian civilians in 2006? Would most people in the US even guess that in 2006 more Palestinians than Israelis were killed by a ratio of 24 to 1, let alone condemn Israeli terrorism in the occupied territories? For many years, including since the start of the Second Palestinian Intifada on September 29, 2000, Amnesty International has issued annual reports detailing Israeli and Palestinian casualties. In its 2001 report (covering events in 2000), Amnesty reported that “More than 350 Palestinians, including nearly 100 children, were killed mostly through excessive use of lethal force by Israeli security services.” Amnesty also reported that “More than 60 Israelis, including more than 30 civilians, were killed by Palestinian armed groups and individuals.” The fact is that Israel has killed well over 800 Palestinian children since September 2000. On December 31, 2000, a Switzerland-based human rights organization, Defense of Children International, which has consultative status with UNESCO and UNICEF and the Council of Europe, issued a report, and the chart below, detailing how those 100 Palestinian children were killed “through excessive use of lethal force” from September 30, 2000 to December 31, 2000. This chart, in addition to numerous other reports issued by DCI on the Israeli killing of Palestinian children, contradicts Israel’s repeated claims that it does its utmost to avoid harming innocent people.
| DATE | NAME | AGE | RESIDENCE | CAUSE OF DEATH |
| 30 September | Mohammad Jamal Mohammad Al-Dura | 11 | Al-Breij/Gaza | Live bullet to multiple places |
| 30 September | Nizar Mohammad Eida | 16 | Deir Ammar/Ramallah | Live bullet to chest |
| 30 September | Khaled Adli Insooh Al-Bazyan | 15 | Nablus |
Exploding bullet to head |
| 1 October | Samir Sidqi Tabanja | 12 | Nablus | Live bullet to chest |
| 1 October | Sarah ‘Abdel Atheem ‘Abdel Haq | 18 mos. | Talfit/Nablus | Live bullet to head. Killed by Israeli Settlers
|
| 1 October | Hussam Bakhit | 17 | Balatta Refugee Camp/Nablus | Live bullet to head |
| 1 October | Iyad Ahmad Salim Al-Khoshashee | 16 | Nablus |
Live bullet to multiple places. Iyad’s body was found Sunday in the hills surrounding Nablus, but he is believed to have died on Saturday.
|
| 1 October | Sami Fathi Mohammad Al-Taramsi | 16 | Sheikh Radwan/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 1 October | Mohammad Nabeel Hamed Daoud | 14 | Al-Bireh/Ramallah | Live bullet to head |
| 2 October | Wa’el Tayseer Mohammad Qatawi | 16 | Balatta Refugee Camp/Nablus | Live bullet to eye |
| 2 October | Muslih Hussein Ibrahim Jarad | 17 | Deir Balah/Gaza Killed in Um Al-Fahim
|
Live bullet to chest |
| 2 October | ‘Aseel Hassan ‘Assalih | 17 | ‘Arrabeh Al-Batouf/Upper Galilee |
Live bullet to neck |
| 3 October | Hussam Ismail Al-Hamshari | 16 | Tulkarem | Exploding bullet to head |
| 3 October | Ammar Khalil Al-Rafai’i | 17 | Al-Maghazi/Gaza | Hit by missile in the head |
| 4 October | Mohammad Zayed Yousef Abu ‘Assi | 13 | Bani Sahla/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 6 October | Saleh Issa Yousef Al-Raiyati | 17 | Rafah/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 6 October | Majdi Samir Maslamani | 15 | Beit Hanina/Jerusalem | Exploding bullet to head |
| 6 October | Mohammad Khaled Tammam | 17 | Tulkarem | Live bullet to chest |
| 8 October | Yousef Diab Yousef Khalaf | 17 | Al Breij/Gaza | Died from injuries sustained on 2 October, shrapnel to head. |
| 11 October | Karam Omar Ibrahim Qannan | 17 | Khan Younis Refugee Camp/Gaza | Rubber coated steel bullet to chest |
| 11 October | Sami Hassan Salim Al-Balduna | 17 | Tulkarem Refugee Camp | Live bullet to chest |
| 12 October | Sami Fathi Abu Jezr | 12 | Rafah/Gaza | Died from injuries sustained on 11 October, Live bullet to head |
| 16 October | Mo’ayyad Osaama Al-Jawareesh | 14 | Aida Refugee Camp/Bethlehem | Rubber coated steel bullet to head |
| 20 October | Mohammad ‘Adil Abu Tahoun | 15 | Tulkarem | Live bullet to multiple places |
| 20 October | Samir Talal ‘Oweisi | 16 | Qalqiliya | Live bullet to chest |
| 20 October | ‘Alaa Bassam
Beni Nimra |
16 | Salfit | Live bullet to chest |
| 21 October | Omar Ismail Al-Abheisi | 15 | Deir Balah/Gaza | Exploding bullet to chest |
| 21 October | Majed Ibrahim Hawamda | 15 | Ramallah | Exploding bullet to head |
| 22 October | Wa’el Mahmoud Mohammad Imad | 13 | Jabaliya Refugee Camp/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 22 October | Salah Al-Din Fawzi Nejmi | 16 | Al-Maghazi Camp/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 23 October | Ashraf Habayab | 15 | Askar Refugee Camp/Nablus | Exploding bullet to head. Died from injuries sustained 16 October.
|
| 24 October | Iyad Osaama Tahir Sha’ath | 12 | Khan Younis/Gaza | Live bullet to head. Died from injuries sustained 21 October.
|
| 24 October | Nidal Mohammad Zuhudi Al-Dubeiki | 16 | Hai Al-Darraj/Gaza | Exploding bullet to abdomen. |
| 26 October | ‘Alaa Mohammad Mahfouth | 14 | Arroub Refugee Camp/Hebron | Live bullet to head. Died from injuries sustained on 6 October.
|
| 27 October | Bashir Salah Musa Shelwit | 16 | Qalqiliya | Live bullet to chest. |
| 29 October | Husni Ibrahim Najjar | 16 | Rafah/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head. |
| 31 October | Shadi Awad Nimir Odeh | 17 | Hai Zaitun/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head. |
| 1 November | Ahmad Suleiman Abu Tayeh | 17 | Shatti Refugee Camp/Gaza | Live bullets and exploding bullets to multiple places. |
| 1 November | Mohammad Ibrahim Hajaaj | 14 | Sheja’aya/Gaza | Live bullet to head. |
| 1 November | Ibrahim Riziq Mohammad Omar | 14 | Shatti Refugee Camp/Gaza | Live bullet to chest. |
| 2 November | Khaled Mohammad Ahmad Riziq | 17 | Hizma/Jerusalem | Live bullet to multiple places. |
| 2 November | Yazen Mohammad Issa Al-Khalaiqa | 14 | Al-Shiyoukh/Hebron Killed in Bethlehem
|
Live bullet to back. |
| 4 November | Rami Ahmad Abdel Fatah | 15 | Hizma/Jerusalem | Exploding bullet to multiple places. |
| 4 November | Hind Nidal Jameel Abu Quweider | 23 days old |
Hebron |
Tear gas inhalation. |
| 5 November | Maher Mohammad Al-Sa’idi | 15 | Al-Breij/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 6 November | Wajdi Al-Lam Al-Hattab | 15 | Tulkarem | Exploding bullet to chest |
| 6 November | Mohammad Nawwaf Al-Ta’aban | 17 | Deir Balah/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 7 November | Ahmad Amin Al-Khufash | 6 | Marda/Salfit | Run-over by Israeli settler |
| 8 November | Ibrahim Fouad Al-Qassas | 15 | Khan Younis/Gaza | Live bullet to eye. Died from injuries sustained on 5 November. |
| 8 November | Faris Fa’iq Odeh | 15 | Hai Zaitun/Gaza | Live bullet to head. |
| 8 November | Mohammad Misbah Abu Ghali | 16 | Khan Younis Refugee Camp/Gaza | Live bullet to chest. |
| 8 November | Ra’ed Abdel Hamid Daoud | 14 | Heras/Salfit | Exploding bullet to multiple places |
| 9 November | Mahmoud Kamel Khalil Sharab | 17 | Khan Younis/Gaza | Live bullet to back |
| 10 November | Osaama Mazen Saleem ‘Azouqah | 14 | Jenin | Live bullet to chest |
| 10 November | Osaama Samir Al-Jerjawee | 17 | Hai Al-Daraj/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 11 November | Musa Ibrahim Al-Dibs | 14 | Jabalia Camp/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 12 November | Mohammad Nafiz Abu Naji | 16 | Sheikh Radwan/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 13 November | Yahya Naif Abu Shemaali | 17 | Khan Younis/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 14 November | Saber Khamis Brash | 15 | Al ‘Amari Camp/Ramallah | Live bullet to chest |
| 14 November | Mohammad Khatir Al ‘Ajli | 13 | Hai Sheju’a/Gaza | Exploding bullet to head |
| 15 November | Ibrahim Abdel Raouf Jaidi | 15 | Qalqiliya | Live bullet to chest |
| 15 November | Jadua Munia Mohammad Abu Kupashe | 16 | Al Samua/Hebron | Live bullets to multiple places. |
| 15 November | Ahmad Samir Basel | 17 | Tel Al-Howwa/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 15 November | Mohammad Nasser Mohammad Al-Sharafe | 17 | Nasser/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 15 November | Jihad Suheil Abu Shahma | 12 | Khan Younis/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 15 November | Ahmad Said Ahmad Sha’aban | 16 | Jalama/Jenin | Exploding bullet to abdomen |
| 16 November | Samir Mohammad Hassan Al-Khudour | 17 | Al-Fawwar Refugee Camp/Hebron | Exploding bullet to chest |
| 17 November | Rami Imad Yassin | 17 | Zeitun/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 17 November | Mohammad Abdel Jalil Mohammad Abu Rayyan | 16 | Halhoul/Hebron | Live bullet to head |
| 19 November | Abdel Rahman Ziad Dahshan | 14 | Sabra/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 20 November | Ibrahim Hassan Ahmad Uthman | 17 | Tel Al-Sultan/Gaza | Live bullet to chest |
| 21 November | Yasser Taleb Mohammad Tebatitti | 16 | Tulkarem Killed while on vacation. Family lives in
Saudi Arabia
|
Live bullet to chest |
| 22 November | Ibrahim Hussein Al-Muqannan | 14 | Khan Younis/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head. Died from injuries sustained on 20 November |
| 23 November | Maram Imad Ahmad Saleh Hassouneh | 3 | Jalazone Refugee Camp/Ramallah | Tear gas inhalation |
| 24 November | Aysar Mohammad Sadiq Hassis | 15 | Jenin | Exploding bullet to eye. |
| 24 November | Majdi Ali Abed | 15 | Sheju’a/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head. Died from injuries sustained on 17 November. |
| 26 November | Ziad Ghaleb Zaid Selmi | 17 | Habla/Qalqiliya | Live bullets to multiple places. |
| 26 November | Mahdi Qassem Jaber | 16 | Habla/Qalqiliya | Live bullets to multiple places. |
| 28 November | Karam Fathi Al-Kurd | 14 | Khan Younis/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head Died from injuries sustained on 23 November. |
| 29 November | Mohammad Abdullah Al-Mashharawi | 14 |
Gaza |
Live bullet to head. Died from injuries sustained on 26 November. |
| 30 November | Walid Mohammad Ahmad Hamida | 17 | Teku’a/Bethlehem | Live bullet to chest. |
| 30 November | Shadi Ahmad Hassan Zghoul | 16 | Hussan/Bethlehem | Run-over by Israeli settler. |
| 1 December | Mohammed Salih Mohammad Al-Arjah | 12 | Rafah/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head. |
| 5 December | Ramzi Adil Mohammed Bayatni | 15 | Abu Qash/Ramallah | Live bullet to eye. |
| 8 December | Mohammad Abdullah Mohammad Yahya | 16 | Kufr Rai/Jenin | Hit by missile. |
| 8 December | Alaa Abdelatif Mohammad Abu Jaber | 17 | Al-Maghayeer/Jenin | Hit by missile. |
| 8 December | Ammar Samir Al-Mashni | 17 | Beit Or Al-Tahta/Ramallah | Live bullet to head |
| 8 December | Mu’ataz Azmi Ismail Talakh | 16 | Dheishe Refugee Camp/Bethlehem | Live bullet to head |
| 9 December | Salim Mohammad Hamaideh | 12 | Rafah/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 11 December | Ahmad Ali Hassan Qawasmeh | 15 |
Hebron |
Live bullet to head |
| 20 December | Hani Yusef Al-Sufi | 14 | Rafah/Gaza | Shrapnel to head |
| 22 December | Arafat Mohammad Ali Al-Jabarin | 17 | Sa’ir/Hebron | Live bullet to head |
| 31 December | Mo’ath Ahmad Abu Hedwan | 12 |
Hebron |
Shrapnel to head |
Clinically Dead
The following Palestinian children have been declared clinically dead.
| DATE | NAME | AGE | RESIDENCE | INJURY |
| 30 September | Khaled Hameed | 17 | Rafah/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 30 September | Mohammad Nawaf Abu Owemer | 13 | Deir Balah/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 30 September | Mohammad Sami Al-Hummos | 14 | Rafah/Gaza | Live bullet to head |
| 5 November | Ghazaleh Joudet Jaradat | 14 | Sa’ir/Hebron | Rubber coated steel bullet to head |
| 11 November | Hamad Jamal Al-Faraa | 13 | Khan Younis/Gaza Strip | Live bullet to head |
Children Deaths As a Result of Israeli Imposed Closure
| DATE | NAME | AGE | RESIDENCE | CAUSE |
| 13 October | Alaa Osaama Hamdan | 10 | Assawiya/Nablus | Died from a severe lung infection after Israeli soldiers prohibited her father from passing through a checkpoint to transport her to a hospital. |
_______________________________________________
In its 2002 annual report, Amnesty reported that 460 Palestinians, including 79 children, were killed during 2001 by Israeli security forces, while Palestinian armed groups killed 187 Israelis, including 154 civilians. This pattern of casualties was repeated in each of Amnesty International’s annual reports from 2003 to 2007. The same pattern of much higher Palestinian casualties is also reported by Human Rights Watch in its annual reports.
As of yesterday (May 24), B’Tselem, Israel’s most important human rights organization, reported fatalities as follows: From September 29, 2000 to April 30, 2007, 4,098 Palestinians were killed by Israeli security forces and Israeli civilians, while 1,021 Israelis were killed by Palestinians.
Despite many more fatalities on the Palestinian side throughout this period, the New York Times has featured Palestinian violence in its coverage of the conflict. From September 29, 2000 to December 31, 2005, the Times published nearly 50 front-page articles on Palestinian suicide bombings and other terrorist acts,[1] in addition to 25 articles on Palestinian terrorism reported elsewhere in the front section.[2] This reporting accounted for the vast majority of Palestinian suicide bombings and other terrorist acts inside Israel’s borders. In contrast, there was much less emphasis in the Times on the far more numerous Israeli killings of Palestinians in the occupied territories during the same period. And as far as I can tell, using the New York Times search engine, the Times neglected to cover any of the annual reports from Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch on Israel throughout the period, nor has it ever mentioned the reports on the Israel-Palestine conflict issued regularly by Defense for Children International. There is another major problem with the Times’ coverage. Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch monitor violations of international humanitarian law, which protects civilians in armed conflict and belligerent occupation. The Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) is the main instrument of such law as it applies to Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories. Both Amnesty and HRW frequently cite Israeli violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention, not only with respect to Israel’s excessive lethal force, but also with regard to beatings and abuse, house demolitions as collective punishment, and administrative detention and torture, in addition to Israel’s settlements in Palestinian territory. Article 49(6) of the Convention states: “The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.” This key stipulation is universally recognized (except by Israel) as prohibiting, and thus outlawing, Israel’s settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. However, again as far as I can tell, the New York Times has ignored the Fourth Geneva Convention and the fact that it outlaws Israel’s settlements. This amounts to nothing less than a rejection of the rule of law by the Times as it applies to the Israel-Palestine conflict.Consistent with its pattern of ignoring the annual reports of Amnesty International as they apply to Israel’s occupation, the Times appears to have ignored Amnesty’s just-published 2007 report as well. There was no reference to the report, or at least to the section on Israel, in either the print or online editions on May 24. However, if you were to intuitively type Amnesty International into the Times’ search engine, you would have found an Associated Press report titled, “Israel Killed 650 Palestinians in 2006,” which summarizes Amnesty’s 2007 report on Israel. The AP report begins: “Israeli troops killed more than 650 Palestinians last year—half of them unarmed civilians including some 120 children—a threefold increase from 2005, a leading human rights group said Wednesday [May 23].” Inexplicably, the AP report states that “No such killings [by Israeli soldiers and settlers] were documented in the report.” However, Amnesty’s report documents several such incidents, as reproduced below:
- On 9 June, seven members of the Ghalia family—five children and their parents—were killed and some 30 other civilians were injured when Israeli forces fired several artillery shells at a beach in the north of the Gaza Strip. The beach was crowded with Palestinian families enjoying the first weekend of the school holidays. The Israeli army denied responsibility for the killings but failed to substantiate their claim.
- In the early morning of 8 November, 18 members of the Athamna family were killed and dozens of other civilians were injured when a volley of artillery shells struck a densely populated neighbourhood of Beit Hanoun, in the north of the Gaza Strip. The victims, eight of them children, were killed in their sleep or while fleeing the shelling, which lasted for around 30 minutes and during which some 12 shells landed in the area. The Israeli authorities expressed regret for the killings, saying that the houses were mistakenly struck due to a technical failure, but rejected calls for an international investigation. The attack came in the wake of a six-day Israeli army raid in Beit Hanoun code-named “Autumn Clouds”, during which Israeli forces killed some 70 Palestinians, at least half of them unarmed civilians and including several children and two ambulance emergency service volunteers. The raid also injured some 200 others, including scores of children.
- Eight-year-old Akaber ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Ezzat Zayed was shot dead by Israeli special forces who opened fire on the car in which she was travelling to hospital with her uncle, who was seriously injured in the attack. The incident took place on 17 March in Yamun village, near the northern West Bank town of Jenin.
- On 19 December, 14-year-old Dua’a Nasser ‘Abdelkader was shot dead by Israeli soldiers as she approached the fence/wall with a friend near Fara’un, a village in the north of the West Bank.
- Nine members of the Abu Salmiya family were killed when an Israeli F16 fighter jet bombed their home at 2.30am on 12 July. According to the Israeli army, a senior leader of Hamas’ armed wing was in the house at the time of the strike but survived. However, the strike wiped out an entire family: the owner of the house, Nabil Abu Salmiya, a Hamas political leader and university lecturer; his wife Salwa; and seven of their children all aged under 18. Dozens of neighbours were also injured and several other houses were damaged in the strike.
- In the evening of 25 March a group of Israeli settlers assaulted ‘Abderrahman Shinneran as he slept in his tent with his wife and three children in Susia in the southern Hebron Hills. When his brother ‘Aziz went to his rescue he too was assaulted and injured.
- On 18 November, Tove Johansson, a 19-year-old Swedish human rights defender, was assaulted by Israeli settlers as she accompanied Palestinian school children through an Israeli army checkpoint near the Tel Rumeida Israeli settlement in the West Bank city of Hebron. She was struck with a broken bottle and sustained facial injuries. Israeli soldiers at a nearby checkpoint took no action to stop the attack or apprehend the perpetrators.
Despite continuing US military and financial support of Israel, in addition to the US boycott of the elected Palestinian government, the Times chose to ignore these incidents as presented in Amnesty’s 2007 annual report.
While Andrew Rosenthal’s tenure as editor of the Times’ editorial page has substantially improved at least that page’s performance with respect to a number of important issues, that shift has occurred in the context of a persistent 30 percent approval rating of President Bush in public opinion polls and an apparent rejection of the administration’s policies in the 2006 congressional elections. Tougher tests of journalistic oversight occur when conditions are not so favorable for principled criticism and commentary. The Times catastrophically failed those tests with respect to its coverage throughout most of the US war in Vietnam and in recent years in Iraq. The Times is failing that test today in its coverage of the Israel-Palestine conflict. While Israel has done most of the killing and has violated a preponderance of the applicable law, the Times, in a relative sense, has persistently over-represented Palestinian violence and lawlessness. By failing also to integrate applicable international law into its editorial standards, while mostly ignoring the human rights organizations (which regularly invoke international law in their reports), the Times apparently has no editorial policy to apply to the conflict aside from an historical and contemporary disposition to support Israel’s illegal policies.
Howard Friel is coauthor with Richard Falk of Israel-Palestine on Record: How The New York Times Misreports Conflict in the Middle East (Verso, June 1) and with Falk of The Record of the Paper: How The New York Times Misreports US Foreign Policy (Verso, 2004)
[1]“Suicide Bomber Kills 3 Israelis After Deaths of 6 Palestinians,” New York Times, March 5, 2001, p. A1; “Sharon Orders His First Raid After Bombing,” New York Times, March 29, 2001, p. A1; “Suicide Bomber Kills 5; Israel Retaliates in Jet Strikes,” New York Times, May 19, 2001, p. A1; “16 Killed by Suicide Bomber Outside Tel Aviv Nightclub,” New York Times, June 2, 2001, p. A1; “At Least 14 Dead As Suicide Bomber Strikes Jerusalem,” New York Times, August 10, 2001, p. A1; “Israelis Grieve, and Strike Back,” New York Times, August 11, 2001, p. A1; “2 Suicide Bombers Strike Jerusalem, Killing at Least 10,” New York Times, December 2, 2001, p. A1; “Crackdown Pledge: Arafat Faces Pivotal Test,” New York Times, December 3, 2001, p.A1; “Israel Breaks with Arafat After Palestinian Assault on Bus in West Bank Kills 10,” New York Times, December 13, 2001, p. A1; “Latest Attacks Stun Israelis and Dampen Hopes for Peace,” New York Times, March 4, 2002, p. A1; “Jerusalem Bomber Kills 3 and Shakes U.S. Peace Effort,” New York Times, March 22, 2002, p. A1; “Up Close, Too Close, to a Suicide Bombing,” New York Times, March 22, 2002, p. A1; “A Secret Iran-Arafat Connection Is Seen Fueling the Mideast Fire,” New York Times, March 24, 2002, p. A1; “Bomb Kills at Least 19 in Israel as Arabs Meet Over Peace Plan,” New York Times, March 28, 2002, p. A1; “U.S. Puts Onus on Palestinians To Stop Terror,” New York Times, March 30, 2002, p. A1; “Again in Israel, Sabbath Closes in Terror Attack,” New York Times, March 31, 2002, p. A1; “Sharon Says Israel Is in a War After Suicide Bombing Kills 14; More Tanks Move in West Bank,” New York Times, April 1, 2002, p. A1; “Bomber Strikes Jews and Arabs at Rare Refuge,” New York Times, April 1, 2002, p. A1; “2 Girls, Divided by War, Joined in Carnage,” New York Times, April 5, 2002, p. A1; “At Least 8 Killed in Suicide Bombing on a Bus in Israel,” New York Times, April 10, 2002, p. A1; “15 Killed by Suicide Bomber; Sharon Cuts Short U.S. Visit After Meeting with Bush,” New York Times, May 8, 2002, p. A1; “Bomber Disguised as Israeli Soldier Kills 3 in Market,” New York Times, May 20, 2002, p. A1; “New Arab Bombing in Israel Deepens a Sense of Dismay,” New York Times, May 28, 2002, p. A1; “At Least 12 Die as Car Bomber Hits Israeli Bus,” New York Times, June 5, 2002, p. A1; “Israel Attacks Arafat Compound in Swift Response After Palestinian Suicide Bombing Kills 17 in Bus,” New York Times, June 6, 2002, p. A1; “Israel Acts to Seize Arab Land After Blast; Bush Delays Talk,” New York Times, June 19, 2002, p. A1; “Jerusalem Blast Kills Six Israelis; Army Raids Start,” New York Times, June 20, 2002, p. A1; “Palestinians Kill 5 Israeli Settlers in Raid on a Home,” New York Times, June 21, 2002, p. A1; “Aides to Bush Say Arafat Financed a Terrorist Group,” New York Times, June 26, 2002, p. A1; “Pair of Bombers Strike in Tel Aviv, Killing 3 in Street,” New York Times, July 18, 2002, p. A1; “At Least 17 Killed as Militants Bomb Jerusalem Campus,” New York Times, August 1, 2002, p. A1; “Burst of Attacks from Palestinians Causes 14 Deaths,” New York Times, August 5, 2002, p. A1; “Suicide Bomber Kills 5 on a Bus in Tel Aviv,” New York Times, September 20, 2002, p. A1; “Bus Driver’s Frantic Struggle Averts Bloodbath in Tel Aviv,” New York Times, October 11, 2002, p. A1; “14 Die as Bomb-Filled S.U.V. Rams Israeli Bus,” New York Times, October 22, 2002, P. A1; “12 Israelis Killed in Hebron Ambush Near Prayer Site,” New York Times, November 16, 2002, p. A1; “At Least 10 Killed in Suicide Bombing of Jerusalem Bus,” New York Times, November 21, 2002, p. A1; “Pair of Bombers Kill 23 in Israel; Reprisals Begin,” New York Times, January 6, 2003, p. A1; “Nine Palestinians and Two Israelis Die in Day of Fury,” New York Times, January 13, 2003, p. A1; “Suicide Bombing on Bus in Israel Leaves 15 Dead,” New York Times, March 6, 2003, p. A1; “3 Israelis Killed and 50 Wounded in Blast at Mall,” New York Times, May 20, 2003, p. A1; “Suicide Blast Kills 16 in Jerusalem; Israel Strikes Gaza,” New York Times, June 12, 2003, p. A1; “2 Israelis Killed in Suicide Attacks by Arab Bombers,” New York Times, August 13, 2003, p. A1; “Bombing Kills 18 and Hurts Scores on Jerusalem Bus,” New York Times, August 20, 2003, p. A1; “In 2 Bombings, Arab Attackers Kill 13 in Israel,” New York Times, September 10, 2003, p. A1; “Suicide Attacker Kills at Least 19 in North of Israel,” New York Times, October 5, 2003, p. A1; “Bush Tells Israel It Has the Right to Defend Itself,” New York Times, October 7, 2003, p. A1; “Suicide Attacker Kills 4 in Israel,” New York Times, December 26, 2003, p. A1; “Israeli Pathologist Faces Grisly Task after the Bombings,” New York Times, February 24, 2004, p. A1; “Suicide Bombers Kill 10 in Israel, and Derail Prime Ministers’ Talks,” New York Times, March 15, 2004, p. A1; “Israelis Trudge Home, in Shock After Bombing,” New York Times, October 9, 2004, p. A1; “Suicide Bombing Kills at Least 4 at Tel Aviv Club,” New York Times, February 26, 2005, p. A1.
[2]“Troops Kill 4 in Gaza; 2 Die in Car Bombing in Israel,” New York Times, November 23, 2000; “Suicide Bomber Attacks Israeli Bus, Killing a Doctor,” New York Times, April 23, 2001; “Suicide Bomber Kills 2 Israeli Soldiers; 3rd Is Badly Wounded,” New York Times, July 17, 2001; “Bush Asks Arafat to Condemn Bombing in Jerusalem,” New York Times, August 10, 2001; “Militants Vow More Bombing to Avenge Deaths in Gaza,” New York Times, August 21, 2001; “Man in Orthodox Jew’s Garb Sets Off Blast in Jerusalem,” New York Times, September 5, 2001; “Another Arab Bombing Kills 3 Israelis,” New York Times, November 30, 2001; “Toxic Traces after Bombing Add to Jitters of Israelis,” New York Times, December 12, 2001; “Suicide Bomb Wounds 2 Dozen in Tel Aviv Outdoor Mall,” New York Times, January 26, 2002; “West Bank Suicide Bombing Kills 2 Israelis and Hurts 30,” New York Times, February 17, 2002; “In Jerusalem, Suicide Bomber Kills at Least 9,” New York Times, March 3, 2002; “Palestinian Group Says It Will Increase Bombings,” New York Times, March 23, 2002; “Suicide Bomber, 18, Kills 2 Israelis and Herself,” New York Times, March 30, 2002; “In Interview, Arafat’s Wife Praises Suicide Bombings,” New York Times, April 15, 2002; “Arab Rakes Israeli Yeshiva with Gunfire; 3 Students Die,” New York Times, May 29, 2002; “A Morning Commute by Bus Is Transformed into a Shattering Blood Bath,” New York Times, June 19, 2002; “Suicide Bomber Kills Israeli Soldier, Ending 6 Weeks of Quiet,” New York Times, September 19, 2002; “Palestinian Subdued and Shot, Yet His Bomb Kills 3,” New York Times, October 28, 2002; “Bomber Kills 2 and Hurts 30 in Israeli Mall,” New York Times, November 5, 2002; “A Palestinian Attack Kills 5 on Northern Kibbutz,” New York Times, November 11, 2002; “In Bus Attack, a Jerusalem Suicide Bomber Kills 6 and Wounds More than 20,” New York Times, May 18, 2003; “Arafat Calls on Palestinian Militants to Halt Attacks on Israelis,” New York Times, August 28, 2003; “Gaza Mother, 22, Kills Four Israelis in Suicide Bombing,” New York Times, January 15, 2004; “Palestinian Bomber Kills 8 and Wounds 50 in Jerusalem,” New York Times, February 23, 2004; “Twin Blasts Kill 16 in Israel; Hamas Claims Responsibility,” New York Times, September 1, 2004; “Islamic Jihad Says It Was Behind Bombing in Tel Aviv,” New York Times, February 27; “Suicide Bomber and 2 Women Die in Attack at Mall in Israeli Town,” New York Times, July 13, 2005; “Palestinian Suicide Bomber Kills 5 in Israeli Town,” New York Times, October 27, 2005; “Palestinian Bomber Kills Himself and 5 Others Near Israel Mall,” New York Times, December 6, 2005; “3 Killed by Suicide Bomber at Checkpoint in the West Bank,” New York Times, December 30, 2005.
UCU Boycotts Israel
May 31, 2007
In April, the 40,000 member National Union of Journalists voted to boycott Israel, and yesterday the 120,000-member UCU, Britain’s largest union of university educators voted to boycott Israel proving that British academia remains one of the few territories unoccupied by Israel. The following statement from PACBI highlights why this is such an historical development:
The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) salutes the historic decision by the University and College Union (UCU) Congress today to support motions that endorse the logic of academic boycott against Israel, in response to the complicity of the Israeli academy in perpetuating Israel’s illegal military occupation and apartheid system.
Academic boycott has been advocated in the past as an effective tool in resisting injustice. In the 1920s, Mahatma Gandhi called for boycotting British-run academic institutions, to increase Indian self-reliance and also to protest the role of those institutions in maintaining British colonial domination over India. In the 1950s, the African National Congress (ANC) called for a comprehensive boycott of the entire South African academy, as a means to further isolate the apartheid regime. To their credit, British academics were among the very first to adopt the latter boycott. Moral consistency makes it imperative to hold Israel to the same standards.
Israel is now widely recognized as a state that actually practices apartheid, as evidenced in recent declarations by international figures from Jimmy Carter and UN Special Rapporteur on human rights Prof. John Dugard to Archbishop Desmond Tutu and South African government minister Ronnie Kasrils, among many others. During the ongoing occupation of Palestinian land, Israel’s policies have included house demolitions; Jews-only colonies and roads; uprooting hundreds of thousands of trees; indiscriminate killings of Palestinian civilians, particularly children; relentless theft of land and water resources; and denying millions of their freedom of movement by slicing up the occupied Palestinian territory into Bantustans — some entirely caged by walls, fences and hundreds of roadblocks.
Throughout forty years of Israeli military occupation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), Israeli academics have duly continued to serve in the occupation army, thereby participating in, or at least witnessing, crimes committed on a daily basis against the civilian population of Palestine. No Israeli academic institution, association, or union has ever publicly opposed Israel’s occupation and colonization, its system of racial discrimination against its own Palestinian citizens, or its obstinate denial of the internationally-sanctioned rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties. Furthermore, the Israeli academy has been in direct or indirect collusion with the military-intelligence establishment, providing it with “academic” research services to sustain its oppression.
This courageous and morally laudable decision by the UCU to apply effective pressure against Israel in the pursuit of justice and genuine peace is only the latest measure adopted by an international community that can no longer tolerate Israel’s impunity in trashing human rights principles and international law. In the last few months alone, groups heeding — to various degrees — Palestinian calls for boycott and effective pressure against Israel have included the British National Union of Journalists (NUJ); Aosdana, the Irish state-sponsored academy of artists; Congress Of South African Trade Unions (COSATU); and prominent British and international architects led by Architects for Peace and Justice in Palestine (APJP).
Once again, the taboo has been shattered. It has now become more legitimate than ever to denounce Israel’s oppressive policies and to hold the state and all its complicit institutions accountable for human rights abuses, war crimes, and the longest military occupation in modern history. The Israeli academy will no longer be able to enjoy international recognition, cooperation, and generous support while remaining an accessory to crimes committed against the Palestinians.Palestinians are now more confident than ever that international civil society is indeed capable of shouldering the moral responsibility of standing up to injustice and demanding freedom, self-determination, and unmitigated equality for all.
Here is how John Chalcraft, a lecturer on government at the London School of Economics and a proponent of the boycott motion, describes the logic behind it.
At stake is not the boycott of individual Israelis, nor some political test, but the withdrawal of institutional collaboration – in relation to funding, visits, conferences, joint publication and the like – with Israeli universities.
Academics will be unimpressed by the erroneous claim that Israeli universities have seriously opposed Israeli violations. No Israeli academic institution has ever taken a public stand against Israel’s 40-year military occupation. On the contrary, the Israeli academy has long provided intellectual, linguistic, logistical, technical, scientific and human support for an occupation in direct violation of international law.
Moreover, Israeli universities have never seriously opposed the infrastructural degradation of Palestinian education, the killing and injuring of students, or the checkpoints, border controls, land seizure and the illegal separation wall, which heavily restrict Palestinian academic and educational activity.
The movement for boycott is in no way anti-semitic. It includes Jews and non-Jews, and stands against racist prejudice of all kinds. The boycott is motivated by opposition to systematic discrimination.
More challenging is the argument that the boycott is counterproductive, compared to dialogue and collaboration. The example of South Africa, however, teaches otherwise. The international boycott movement had a tremendous impact in breaking down apartheid. Crucially, Israel now, like South Africa then, considers itself part of the west. When western civil society says enough is enough, Israelis, not to mention western governments, will take notice.
Is it unfair to single Israel out? It is not clear that there are other heavily militarised, nuclear-armed, expansionist apartheid states with extensive illegal settlement, land seizure and wall-building activity. There are certainly other violators of international law, and the case for boycotting each must be made on its merits. That does not weaken the case for a nonviolent, international movement regarding Israel. To say that it does is simply special pleading.
As for academic freedom, it should be remembered that the situation has long involved the denial of Palestinians’ academic freedom. The point of the boycott, which will certainly involve forms of institutional disruption, is to end this vicious discrimination and the massive and structural violation of academic freedom involved. The boycott, moreover, will encourage and give protection to Israeli academics critical of academic complicity and occupation, and stands in solidarity with Palestinians whose freedoms have long been repressed.
Finally, for those who argue that this somehow impinges on Israel’s academic freedom, the following report from the Jewish daily Forward, should put things in perspective.
Yigal Arens, a University of Southern California computer science professor who is an outspoken critic of Israel, said this week that his invitation to an upcoming conference at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev was rescinded as a result of what he described as his anti-Zionist views. The NATO-sponsored conference, set to take place June 4-5, is being billed as an apolitical event that will explore the role of the Internet in combating terrorism.
The accusation from Arens, left-wing son of right-wing former Israeli defense minister Moshe Arens, comes as America’s mainstream Jewish community is mobilizing to defeat the academic boycott…
Arens and his left-wing supporters say that his story undercuts a fundamental tenet of the anti-boycott movement, which holds that Israeli academic institutions are an unfair target because they are not political in nature…
Arens told the Forward that in early January he received a call from Paul Kantor, a library and information science professor at Rutgers University, inviting him to participate in an international conference, “Security Informatics and Terrorism — Patrolling the Web.” The conference was being co-organized by Kantor and Ben-Gurion University professor Bracha Shapira.
According to Arens, he expressed concern to Kantor that he be treated with respect, as he felt snubbed while attending a conference in the Jewish state several years ago.
A week after their initial conversation, Arens said, Kantor rescinded the invitation, saying that Israeli government officials who would be at the conference were uncomfortable with the idea of his participation.
Monkey See, Monkey Do: Comprador Hacks
May 30, 2007
Sifting through the pages of Pakistan’s liberal daily, Dawn, I came across the following Ann Coulter-like apologia for Euro-American discrimination against Muslims. I was compelled to write the following letter to the editor(I copied the columnist in).
As one famous American diplomat put it: a person is entitled to his opinions, but not to his own facts. Even in the toxic landscape littered with the vapid, fact-free banalities of the likes of Irfan Husain, his column ‘ British band of jihadis‘ is a cause for bemusement. Leaving aside the Uncle Tomism of labels like ‘home-grown’ and ‘fifth column’, it is the absence of empirical evidence backing his claims that raises questions about the editorial judgement in publishing such nonsense without regard for fact, merley because it jibes with the prevailing perceptions of an ‘Islamic threat’. According to Europol, 498 acts classified as ’terrorist attacks’ were carried out in Europe in 2006; only one was attributed to Muslims. On the other hand Muslims were disproportionately represented among those arrested on terrorism related charges. The arrests always make headlines; the acquittals invariably back pages. This is hardly surprising given the conflation of Islam with violence assiduously cultivated by self-appointed terrorologists (Steve Emerson, Alan Dershowitz et al), unreconstructed Orientalists (Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes et al) and Zionist propagandists (Mark Steyn, Melanie Phillips et al), which is then helpfully recycled by comprador hacks.
The black comedy doesn’t end there, however. Of all the people in the world, Husain then goes on to quote Christopher Hitchens! A man whose name is synonymous with the Iraq war, a man who attacked the late great Edward Said on his death bed despite their earlier friendship, a man who is known for filling Murdoch’s pages with screeds aided by the unacknowledged appropriation of other’s work [I forgot to mention that he also declared Tariq Ali, Michael Moore and Naomi Klein "fellow travelers with fascism"]. Quoting a neocon Islamophobe scrivener for the Weekly Standard on Muslim violence is akin to Uncle Tom quoting KKK’s Grand Wizard on African congenital inferiority.
On an average day one would just ignore the twaddle that has been proliferating under the byline of this columnist, but since he regurgitates a claim which bears on the lives of nearly 15 million Muslims living in Europe, I am compelled to ask you to produce the evidence for his claims or issue a retraction.
[For more on the 'Islamic threat', see David Miller's post.]
The byline was familiar because Irfan Husain is on the advisory board of a pro-Israel astroturf lobby group advocating Pakistan’s recognition of the colonial-settler state, just at a time when in Europe and the rest of the world the BDS (boycott, divestment, sanctions) campaign is gathering momentum. In an earlier article I wrote:
Irfan Hussain, a columnist for Dawn and Khaleej Times, and a member of the group’s Advisory Board, is equally forthright in advocating a policy of “enlightened self-interest”. In his view all opponents of rapprochement must necessarily belong to “religious parties” whom he faults for not presenting any “cogent reasons” beyond their “anger over the treatment the Israelis have been meting out to Palestinians under their occupation”.
Hussain’s honesty is matched only by his creativity as he offers a novel interpretation of history in which “many Pakistanis admired the Jewish state for its pluck and inventiveness” before 1967. The parallels between the birth of the two nations “are too obvious to dwell on” in his view as, like Pakistan, the state “was created under adversity”.
On an earlier occasion I had said the following about Pakistani liberals:
In Black Skin White Masks, Frantz Fanon writes: “To speak a language is to take on a world, a culture. The Antilles Negro who wants to be white will be the whiter as he gains greater mastery of the cultural tool that language is.”
Some may find the idea of English newspapers in a mostly Urdu speaking country odd; but this is merely a legacy of the British colonial rule. The elite, which for the most part owes its status to the munificence of the colonial overlord – usually bestwoed in direct proportion to services rendered — still has a preference for the master’s language. There is, of course, nothing wrong with knowing foreign languages; in fact, the merits of linguistic diversity are manifold. So much of the beauty of foreign language literature is lost in translation. But in Pakistan, speaking or writing English has very different connotations: it is an assertion of class superiority, sophistication and – liberalism! With the West as a point of reference for the majority of Pakistani elite (and middle classes), it is the identification with Western values rather than a progressive outlook that denotes liberalism. Some of the English language publications, while deeply reactionary in their outlook, continue to espouse a “liberal” self-image insofar as their content echoes the worldview propagated by Western media.
“A feeling of inferiority?” asked Fanon, “No, a feeling of nonexistence. Sin is Negro as virtue is white.” For a Pakistani liberal, then, it is not so much the merit of an idea, as it is the source that determines its value. So long as he finds himself in conformity with the dominant Western orthodoxy, his colonized mind revels in the vicarious existence of borrowed thoughts.
Nahr al-Bared: It’s the US Air Base, Stupid!
May 30, 2007
Another insightful piece from Dr. Franklin Lamb:
On July 14, 1982, (Bastille Day) the late Bashir Gemayel sat with Ariel Sharon, Raphael Eytan, and Danny Yalon at the French flag draped Le Chef Restaurant in Achrafieh, east Beirut for one of their working lunches.
As was by now their habit, the Israelis were inclined to pressure their recently anointed selection for Lebanon’s next president. They were there to present a request for one more favor from the handsome ‘golden boy’ of the Phalange movement, as their army tightened its noose around west Beirut.
There was a good chance they would succeed . After all, Basher was beholden to the Zionists, for their many ‘considerations’, including the arms for drugs arrangements, the weapons skimmed from what the US reflectively shipped to Israel on demand, the intelligence sharing and assassinations of Palestinians who Bashir could not abide. The trio lunching with him that day, under the celebratory French flags in this Francophone neighborhood could easily destroy Bashir Gemayel and he knew it.
Yet, despite their intimidating talk, the self described ‘cream of the IDF’, exhibiting what Bashir had often explained to his nerdy younger brother Amin, who, unexpectedly was to become his successor as President of Lebanon, and to some of his aids, was a case of ‘congenital arrogance’ erred that day.
They seriously underestimated the Palestinian hating, Muslim despising, would be phonetician Prince, Le sheik Bashir. In misjudging the charismatic Maronite, the Israeli trio had failed to appreciate that, on any day of the week, the average Lebanese is rather more sophisticated, clever, descent, and patriotic than many Israeli or American politicians give them credit for.
Sharon pulled out a piece of paper from his chest pocket, as one Phalange security person who guarded the restaurant door recalls, and shoved it across the table to Basher. Written on it was Israel’s ‘one last request’ which contained one word: Kleiaat
The Israelis studied Bashir’s face for a sign of his reaction as he picked up the small piece of paper. Bashir, appearing to suppress a yawn, had heard this ‘one last request’ hustle many times and had long felt contempt for what he called “these pressure lunches.” Yet, former alter boy that he was, the martyred, and still much loved Lebanese patriot, pressed his lips together and listened politely as is the Lebanese custom, as Sharon expounded on the details.
Bashir, fuming inside and about to erupt in anger as he had sometimes done previously when he felt squeezed by Sharon, instead smiled at the anxious trio. He leaned forward and whispered with a voice they still say in his Bekfayya neighborhood, would make women swoon: ’you will not be disappointed, my dear friends”.
Sharon was delirious with Bashir’s response and slapped him on the back, a gesture of friendship that the former parish crucifer found deeply offensive.
Returning to his Achrafieh Headquarters, bounding up the stairs to his office to meet with aids, where less than two months later, he would die from an assassins’ bomb which would level the building and killed and wounded more than 200, Bashir bellowed as he entered his office, ”An Israeli air base in Lebanon? Those crazy sons of bitches won’t get one grain of sand from Kleiaat”
Nearly 25 years to the day later, some well informed sources within the Palestinian community as well as, Sunni, Shia, and Christian political analysts, agree on one point. In a coma as he may be, but Ariel Sharon may still get that one last favor he coveted.
As residents of Bibnin Akkar, less than two miles from the site of the proposed US base and the Lebanese daily newspaper Aldiyar speculate, construction of a US air base on the grounds of the largely abandoned air base at Klieg in northern Lebanon may begin late this year. To make the project more palpable, it is being promoted as a ‘US/NATO’ base that will serve as the headquarters of a NATO rapid deployment force, helicopter squadrons, and Special Forces units.
The base will provide training for the Lebanese army and security forces fighting Salafi, Islamist fundamentalists and other needs.
The Pentagon and NATO HQ in Belgium have given the project which, will sit along the Lebanese-Syrian border, using this vast area “as a base for fast intervention troops”, a name. It is to be called The Lebanese Army and Security training centre”.
Kleiaat, a nearly now abandoned small airport, was used by Middle East Airlines for a period for commuter flights between Beirut and Tripoli. Residents of the area report than during the Civil War (1975-1990) a commuter Helicopter service was also operated due to road closures.
The proposed base was measured by this observer to be roughly two and one-half miles down the beach from Nahr al-Bared Palestinian Camp. Both share pristine Mediterranean beachfront. Kleiaat is an expanse of gently undulating sandy dunes covered with long prairie grass and brush.
Despite opposition from Lebanon’s anemic environmental movement, that argues that the pristine area should be left to its many varieties of birds and wildlife, the local community is watching closely.
Not much activity is going on as of May 29, 2007. About 20 Quonset huts, some recently driven stakes, no evidence of heavy equipment or building material. The three man army outpost fellows appeared bored and did not even ask for ID as I toured the whole area on the back of a fine new BMW 2200cc motorcycle courtesy of one of the local militia sniper guys who until two days ago was firing into Nahr al-Bared until the Lebanese army stopped him after the PLO leadership complained.
Lebanese entrepreneurs at Bibnin Akkar, a Sunni community loyal to the Hariri’s, and who will be the chief financial winners from the project, see opportunities with thousands of new construction and related jobs coming. One kind fellow who hooked me up last night to intermittent internet via a jerry rigged dial up arrangement on one of his shop’s two computers envisages running a fine new internet café with at least 50 wireless computers. Hotels, restaurants and businesses of various sorts are planning expansions to meet the demand of the expected workforce.
Who will not benefit from the building boom will be the 40,000+ Palestinians from Nahr al-Bared which is literally next door to the anticipated project These refugees, who were driven from their homes a in Palestine in 1948 and 1967, from Tal-Al-Zattar by the Phalangists in 1975, and others who came as a result of Israeli attacks on Lebanon in 1978, 1982, 1993, 1996, and 2006, will gain no work from Kleiaat. The reason is that the 70 top trades and professions in Lebanon are denied to the Palestinians under Lebanese law.
Even if the 20,000 Palestinians displaced by the current conflict with Fatah al-Islam are allowed to return, which I expect will be the case, and even if Palestinian fears that the Camps will be demolished are unrealized, as I believe, they will remain destitute, according to UNWRA who considers 10,000 of them ‘special hardship cases”.
As reported by the NATO headquarters in Brussels, as well as by residents in Bibnin Akkar on May 28, 2007, an American-German-Turkish military delegation toured and surveyed Akkar region. US Embassy ‘staff’ have reportedly visited Kleiaat airport earlier this year to look over the site. David Welch also had a quick look at the site during his recent visit.
A Lebanese journalist who opposes the base commented on May 28, 2007, “The Bush administration has been warning Lebanon about the presence of Al Qaeda teams in northern Lebanon. And the base is needed to deal with this threat. Low and behold, a new “terrorist group” called Fatah al-Islam appears near Kleiaat at al-Bared camp”.
The Pentagon argues that the military base will contribute to the development and the economic recovery in the region, advising the Lebanese government to focus on the financial aspect and positive reflection on the population (95% Sunni) of the region.
Contenders for the billion dollar project, according to the Pentagon procurement office could be Bechtel and Halliburton and other Contractors currently doing projects in Iraq.
The martyred Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, saw potential for the Kleiaat airport as well. But he opposed a US air base. Instead, Hariri, which the green grocer who sells fruits and vegetables to the Lebanese army patrolling the Tripoli-Syria four lane road in front of Nahr al-Bared, commented, ” Rafik Hariri, may he rest in peace, loved Lebanon. But he never saw a piece of real estate he didn’t want to develop!” Hariri envisaged a billion dollar Free Commercial Zone and a port, despite Syrian opposition, and had investors lined up before he was murdered. Damascus was opposed to the Hariri dream because the new Port and Free Zone would drain the revenues from the nearby Syrian Port at Lathikiya.
According to Washington observers watching developments, the base has been pushed by elements in the office of the US Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the urging of Israeli operative Elliot Abrams. AIPAC can be expected to do the necessary work in Congress and with House Foreign Affairs, Appropriations, Intelligence, and Armed Service committees hermetically sealed by stalwarts of the Israel Lobby, it can be expected that it will be added as a rider to an unsuspecting House bill coming along.
“We need to get this base built as quickly as possible as a forward thrust point against Al Qaeda and other (read Hezbollah) terrorists”, according to AIPAC staffer Rachael Cohen. Asked if Israel will offer training and advisors to the Lebanese army, Ms. Cohen replied, “we will see what we will see, Lebanon, smezzanon its not about them, its about stopping the terrorists stupid!”
“The question for Lebanon is whether the Lebanese people will allow the base to be built. Few in North Lebanon doubt that Israel will have access to the base ” according to Oathman Bader, a community leader who lives in Bahr al-Bared but has fled to Badawi.
Fatah al-Islam and their allies have pledged martyrdom operations to stop the project, according to the Fatah Intifada, the group that expelled Fatah al-Islam from their camp on November 27, 2006.
According to a columnist at Beirut’s Al-Akbar newspaper,” a US project like that would split Lebanon apart. No way will Lebanon allow it. Probably every group in Lebanon would oppose it , from the Salafi, Islamists fundamentalist to moderate Sunnis to Hezbollah. Can you imagine the Syrian reaction?”
Commenting on this project, one Arab-American from Boston, doing volunteer work at the Palestinian Red Crescent Hospital, Safad, noted:
“Hopefully the US pro Middle East peace, pro-Palestinian, and pro-Lebanon organizations with better phone and internet connections that exist locally, will join the opposition in Lebanon to this base and fight it in Congress. Welch and the US Embassy in Beirut should be questioned about it”
Gulf Arabs: Sowing Catastrophe, Reaping Despair
May 30, 2007
It was only four years back that the US and UK, with logistic support from Gulf States (Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman — they all provided material support to the invaders) and near total indifference of their respective populations invaded the sovereign nation of Iraq. I was living in the Gulf at the time, and it was with profound disgust — and total contempt — that I watched the Gulf Arabs go about their lives as if nothing were wrong. The only state sanctioned antiwar march in Dubai comprised mostly of immigrants from Asia-Oceania – no Arabs, save a few Palestinians and Iraqis. One incident in particular captured the prevailing mood in the Gulf for me. In the University dorms where I used to reside, one day I was watching the news – the graphic images of atrocities inflicted on the Iraqi people were overwhelming — when I was interrupted by an Omani guy, whom I had only noticed in the past leading prayers, who wanted the channel changed because Omani club football was on TV. I couldn’t believe what I was hearing so I asked him did he notice, or care, what was going on in Iraq? He said there is nothing that can be done about them anyway, so why can’t I just let him watch his game. I couldn’t contain my anger so after pouring ample derision on him and his country, I told him to fuck off. He went away silently, and I returned to the news. After a short while, I heard him approach again. He looked contrite and said he was being insensitive, and of course it was a big tragedy what was happening in Iraq. He came and sat down to watch the news. I was still incensed by the combination of what I was watching, and this persons astounding insensitivity, so I got up and left. I went to pick up my clothes from the Laundrette, and while waiting for the elevator I noticed that the Omani fellow is still watching TV. Out of curiosity, I checked what he was watching. It was Omani club football!
Rejoice Gulf Arab!
Just as the war in Afghanistan had robbed many proud Afghans of their dignity and compelled some to help their families survive by turning to prostitution, it now appears many Iraqis have been reduced to the same choice. It would be unfair, however, to say that the affluent, pompous and complacent Gulf Arabs who through their collective indifference have facilitated a genocidal war on Iraqis, are completely indifferent to the condition of the Iraqis. Now that some Iraqis have been reduced to prostitution, some Gulf Arabs are rushing to the refugee camps, lest they miss out on the entertainment.
“Do you think we’re happy that these men from the gulf are seeing our daughters’ naked bodies?” …
Inexpensive Iraqi prostitutes have helped to make Syria a popular destination for sex tourists from wealthier countries in the Middle East. In the club’s parking lot, nearly half of the cars had Saudi license plates…
“From what I’ve seen, 70 percent to 80 percent of the girls working this business in Damascus today are Iraqis,” she said. “The rents here in Syria are too expensive for their families. If they go back to Iraq they’ll be slaughtered, and this is the only work available.”
Syria — Back home in Iraq, Umm Hiba’s daughter was a devout schoolgirl, modest in her dress and serious about her studies. Hiba, who is now 16, wore the hijab, or Islamic head scarf, and rose early each day to say the dawn prayer before classes.
But that was before militias began threatening their Baghdad neighborhood and Umm Hiba and her daughter fled to Syria last spring. There were no jobs, and Umm Hiba’s elderly father developed complications related to his diabetes.
Desperate, Umm Hiba followed the advice of an Iraqi acquaintance and took her daughter to work at a nightclub along a highway known for prostitution. “We Iraqis used to be a proud people,” she said over the frantic blare of the club’s speakers. She pointed out her daughter, dancing among about two dozen other girls on the stage, wearing a pink silk dress with spaghetti straps, her frail shoulders bathed in colored light…
“During the war we lost everything,” she said. “We even lost our honor.” She insisted on being identified by only part of her name — Umm Hiba means mother of Hiba.
For anyone living in Damascus these days, the fact that some Iraqi refugees are selling sex or working in sex clubs is difficult to ignore.
Even in central Damascus, men freely talk of being approached by pimps trawling for customers outside juice shops and shawarma sandwich stalls, and of women walking up to passing men, an act unthinkable in Arab culture, and asking in Iraqi-accented Arabic if the men would like to “have a cup of tea.”
By day the road that leads from Damascus to the historic convent at Saidnaya is often choked with Christian and Muslim pilgrims hoping for one of the miracles attributed to a portrait of the Virgin Mary at the convent. But as any Damascene taxi driver can tell you, the Maraba section of this fabled pilgrim road is fast becoming better known for its brisk trade in Iraqi prostitutes.
Many of these women and girls, including some barely in their teens, are recent refugees. Some are tricked or forced into prostitution, but most say they have no other means of supporting their families. As a group they represent one of the most visible symptoms of an Iraqi refugee crisis that has exploded in Syria in recent months.
According to the United Nations high commissioner for refugees, about 1.2 million Iraqi refugees now live in Syria; the Syrian government puts the figure even higher.
Given the deteriorating economic situation of those refugees, a United Nations report found last year, many girls and women in “severe need” turn to prostitution, in secret or even with the knowledge or involvement of family members. In many cases, the report added, “the head of the family brings clients to the house.”
Aid workers say thousands of Iraqi women work as prostitutes in Syria, and point out that as violence in Iraq has increased, the refugee population has come to include more female-headed households and unaccompanied women.
“So many of the Iraqi women arriving now are living on their own with their children because the men in their families were killed or kidnapped,” said Sister Marie-Claude Naddaf, a Syrian nun at the Good Shepherd convent in Damascus, which helps Iraqi refugees.
She said the convent had surveyed Iraqi refugees living in Masaken Barzeh, on the outskirts of Damascus, and found 119 female-headed households in one small neighborhood. Some of the women, seeking work outside the home for the first time and living in a country with high unemployment, find that their only marketable asset is their bodies.
“I met three sisters-in-law recently who were living together and all prostituting themselves,” Sister Marie-Claude said. “They would go out on alternate nights — each woman took her turn — and then divide the money to feed all the children.”
For more than three years after the American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iraqi prostitution in Syria, like any prostitution, was a forbidden topic for Syria’s government. Like drug abuse, the sex trade tends to be referred to in the local news media as acts against public decency. But Dietrun Günther, an official at the United Nations refugee agency’s Damascus office, said the government was finally breaking its silence.
“We’re especially concerned that there are young girls involved, and that they’re being forced, even smuggled into Syria in some cases,” Ms. Günther said. “We’ve had special talks with the Syrian government about prostitution.” She called the officials’ new openness “a great step.”
Mouna Asaad, a Syrian women’s rights lawyer, said the government had been blindsided by the scale of the arriving Iraqi refugee population. Syria does not require visas for citizens of Arab countries, and its government had pledged to assist needy Iraqis. But this country of 19 million was ill equipped to cope with the sudden arrival of hundreds of thousands of them, Ms. Asaad said.
“Sometimes you see whole families living this way, the girls pimped by the mother or aunt,” she said. “But prostitution isn’t the only problem. Our schools are overcrowded, and the prices of services, food and transportation have all risen. We don’t have the proper infrastructure to deal with this. We don’t have shelters or health centers that these women can go to. And because of the situation in Iraq, Syria is careful not to deport these women.”
Most of the semi-organized prostitution takes place on the outskirts of the capital, in nightclubs known as casinos — a local euphemism, because no gambling occurs.
At Al Rawabi, an expensive nightclub in Al Hami, there is even a floor show with an Iraqi theme. One recent evening, waiters brought out trays of snacks: French fries and grilled chicken hearts wrapped in foil folded into diamond shapes. A 10-piece band warmed up, and an M.C. gave the traditionally overwrought introduction in Arabic: “I give you the honey of all stages, the stealer of all hearts, the most golden throat, the glamorous artist: Maria!”
Maria, a buxom young woman, climbed onto the stage and began an anguished-sounding ballad. “After Iraq I have no homeland,” she sang. “I’m ready to go crawling on my knees back to Iraq.” Four other women, all wearing variations on leopard print, gyrated on stage, swinging their hair in wild circles. The stage lights had been fitted with colored gel filters that lent the women’s skin a greenish cast.
Al Rawabi’s customers watched Maria calmly, leaning back in their chairs and drinking Johnnie Walker Black. The large room smelled strongly of sweat mingled with the apple tobacco from scores of water pipes. When Maria finished singing, no one clapped.
She picked up the microphone again and began what she called a salute to Iraq, naming many of the Iraqi women in the club and, indicating one of the women in leopard print who had danced with her, “most especially my best friend, Sahar.”
After the dancers filed offstage and scattered around the room to talk to customers, Sahar told a visitor she was from the Dora district of Baghdad but had left “because of the troubles.” Now, she said she would leave the club with him for $200.
Aid workers say $50 to $70 is considered a good night’s wage for an Iraqi prostitute working in Damascus. And some of the Iraqi dancers in the crowded casinos of Damascus suburbs earn much less.
In Maraba, Umm Hiba would not say how much money her daughter took home at the end of a night. Noticing her reluctance, the club’s manager, who introduced himself as Hassan, broke in proudly.
“We make sure that each girl has a minimum of 500 lira at the end of each night, no matter how bad business is,” he said, mentioning a sum of about $10. “We are sympathetic to the situation of the Iraqi people. And we try to give some extra help to the girls whose families are in special difficulties.”
Umm Hiba shook her head. “It’s true that the managers here are good, that they’re helping us and not stealing the girls’ money,” she said. “But I’m so angry.
“Do you think we’re happy that these men from the gulf are seeing our daughters’ naked bodies?”
Most so-called casinos do not appear to directly broker arrangements between prostitutes and their customers. Zafer, a waiter at the club where Hiba works, said that the club earned money through sales of food and alcohol and that the dancers were encouraged to sit with male customers and order drinks to increase revenues.
Zafer, who spoke on condition that only his first name be used, refused to discuss specific women and girls at the club, but said that most of them did sell sexual favors. “They have an hourly rate,” he said. “And they have regular customers.”
Inexpensive Iraqi prostitutes have helped to make Syria a popular destination for sex tourists from wealthier countries in the Middle East. In the club’s parking lot, nearly half of the cars had Saudi license plates.
From Damascus it is only about six hours by car, passing through Jordan, to the Saudi border. Syria, where it is relatively easy to buy alcohol and dance with women, is popular as a low-cost weekend destination for groups of Saudi men.
And though some women of other nationalities, including Russians and Moroccans, still work as prostitutes in Damascus, Abeer, a 23-year-old from Baghdad working at the same club as Hiba, explained that the arriving Iraqis had pushed many of them out of business.
“From what I’ve seen, 70 percent to 80 percent of the girls working this business in Damascus today are Iraqis,” she said. “The rents here in Syria are too expensive for their families. If they go back to Iraq they’ll be slaughtered, and this is the only work available.”
The Bloody Hands of New Labour
May 29, 2007
A short while back I had responded to a particularly idiotic article by one House Muslim calling on everyone to vote Labour because the alternative could be so much worse. As I had argued, every member of the Labour party who did not resign, or do something meaningful to oppose the imminent bloodbath in Iraq, is culpabe in the mass murder that has ensured since. Here is dear friend Haifa Zangana making the case more powerfully in her usual eloquent manner, that the entire Labour party shares blame for Iraq’s horrors.
Iraqis often debate whether it is the Labour party as an institution or Tony Blair as an individual that is the real British culprit in their tragedy. This issue needs to be addressed, not least for the future of relations between Iraq and Britain; but the debate echoes the deeply felt anger among Arabs and Muslims worldwide.
Blair’s callousness about Iraqi lives and the country’s ongoing destruction should now be notorious. In December 2004, the BBC’s Andrew Marr asked Blair during a visit to Baghdad’s Green Zone: “Many thousands of people have died for this moment, including scores of British people: are you sure that this prize was worth that price?” Blair’s answers ranged from, “I know that we are doing the right thing” to, “Yes, I believe we did the right thing” and, finally, “I’ve got no doubt at all that that is the right thing for us to do”.
But all that was in the second year of the occupation, and some Iraqis naively thought that the Labour party would deal with an individual who discredited its ethical foreign policy. It proved a delusion. Blair was re-elected as prime minister.
“Why?” we asked, while witnessing the descent of Iraq into hell. Has Blair apologised for the death of 650,000 Iraqis? Of course not. His emotional resignation speech to members of his party two weeks ago displayed the same rhetoric: “I did what I thought was right for our country.”
This is not unusual. History, the gatekeeper of collective memory, teaches us that dictators and tyrants never admit to committing crimes, but adamantly justify them by saying that they acted in the national interest. Parties and ideologies often act in the same way. Parties rise to power on the strength of declared commitments, and they must be judged on whether they fulfil them.
It was the late foreign secretary, Robin Cook, who launched the Labour government’s ethical foreign policy in April 1998, following Labour’s manifesto of 1997 which pledged: “We will make the protection and promotion of human rights a central part of our foreign policy.” I was one of many who believed that. Since then the Labour government has been engaged in the invasion and occupation of Iraq, based on a lie, and a hypocritical policy on Palestine involving doing nothing about Israel’s aggression against Lebanon. Neither policy can be described as ethical.
Robin Cook kept a measure of sincerity in his resignation speech in the House of Commons on the eve of the invasion of Iraq, by pointing out the hypocrisy regarding Iraq and Palestine. But the Labour party continued its march under Blair, guided by a shared sense of mission and vision with President Bush in his war on terror, laced with rhetoric about “legal and moral obligations towards Iraqi people”. How to dispose now of this legal and moral responsibility? In the fifth year of occupation, Iraq is a country of horrors, invoking comparison in the mind of Iraqis with the barbarity of the Mongols in 1258. An academic, who fears for his life, told me last week that every aspect of human rights has been violated.
This April Iraq lost between 3,000 and 10,000 of its citizens, depending on who estimates the figures, since no one officially counts. British forces lost 12 soldiers, the largest monthly total in the 50 months of occupation. The United States lost 104 soldiers, with 634 injured. No one has yet declared the number of dead and injured foreign mercenaries, euphemistically labelled “contractors”, whose numbers in Iraq are widely believed to equal the official occupation troops.
The latest military operations and the much-publicised “surge” have displaced a further 27,000 Iraqis in three months. The pretext of fighting the militias and murder squads was shown to be phoney by the continuing daily spectacle of handcuffed, tortured and brutally murdered men found after night curfew; by gruesome executions in public places by thugs wearing police uniforms; by the sectarian walls built around many districts in Baghdad and other cities; and by the corruption and oil-smuggling, which is breeding new militias for the political parties in government. The United Nations last month confirmed a massacre on January 28 in the village of al-Zarka, in the province of Najaf, in which more than 260 people were killed by the police and by aerial bombardment from multinational forces.
The Labour party should not be relieved of its responsibility just because Blair is leaving. It is the moral responsibility of its members to question the party’s role in the destruction of Iraq, and whether its new leader will listen to them and to the people of Iraq.
The overwhelming majority of Iraqis want the occupation forces out now, and they believe that the enemy is the occupation itself and not “al-Qaida and Iranian-backed elements”, as Blair tells the world. In order to put an end to the daily bloodshed and to build a lasting peace, the Labour party and its new leader must accept that this will only be possible when they acknowledge that there are different voices that represent the Iraqi people. These include the widely popular resistance, whose different strands include both political and armed movements. And the British government must agree to initiate a compensation programme for the destruction it has helped to cause.
Worse Than Apartheid: A South African Jew Speaks Out
May 28, 2007
Ronnie Kasrils, the Jewish Minister of Intelligence of South Africa, compares the conditions in the Occupied Territories today with the lived expereince of Apartheid in his own country.
Travelling into Palestine’s West Bank and Gaza Strip, which I visited recently, is like a surreal trip back into an apartheid state of emergency.
It is chilling to pass through the myriad checkpoints — more than 500 in the West Bank. They are controlled by heavily armed soldiers, youthful but grim, tensely watching every movement, fingers on the trigger. Fortunately for me, travelling in a South African embassy vehicle with official documents and escort, the delays were brief.
Sweeping past the lines of Palestinians on foot or in taxis was like a view of the silent, depressed pass- office queues of South Africa’s past. A journey from one West Bank town to another that could take 20 minutes by car now takes seven hours for Palestinians, with manifold indignities at the hands of teenage soldiers.
My friend, peace activist Terry Boullata, has virtually given up her teaching job. The monstrous apartheid wall cuts off her East Jerusalem house from her school, which was once across the road, and now takes an hour’s journey. Yet she is better off than the farmers of Qalqilya, whose once prosperous agricultural town is totally surrounded by the wall and economically wasted. There is only one gated entry point. The key is with the occupation soldiers. Often they are not even there to let anyone in or out.
Bethlehem too is totally enclosed by the wall, with two gated entry points. The Israelis have added insult to injury by plastering the entrances with giant scenic posters welcoming tourists to Christ’s birthplace.
The “security barrier”, as the Israeli’s term it, is designed to crush the human spirit as much as to enclose the Palestinians in ghettoes. Like a reptile, it transforms its shape and cuts across agricultural lands as a steel-and-wire barrier, with watchtowers, ditches, patrol roads and alarm systems. It will be 700km long and, at a height of 8m to 9m in places, dwarfs the Berlin Wall.
The purpose of the barrier becomes clearest in open country. Its route cuts huge swathes into the West Bank to incorporate into Israel the illegal Jewish settlements — some of which are huge towns — and annexes more and more Palestinian territory.
The Israelis claim the purpose of the wall is purely to keep out terrorists. If that were the case, the Palestinians argue, why has it not been built along the 1967 Green Line border? One can only agree with the observation of Minister in the Presidency Essop Pahad, who has stated: “It has become abundantly clear that the wall and checkpoints are principally aimed at advancing the safety, convenience and comfort of settlers.”
The West Bank, once 22% of historic Palestine, has shrunk to perhaps 10% to 12% of living space for its inhabitants, and is split into several fragments, including the fertile Jordan Valley, which is a security preserve for Jewish settlers and the Israeli Defence Force. Like the Gaza Strip, the West Bank is effectively a hermetically sealed prison. It is shocking to discover that certain roads are barred to Palestinians and reserved for Jewish settlers. I try in vain to recall anything quite as obscene in apartheid South Africa.
Gaza provides a desolate landscape of poverty, grime and bombed-out structures. Incongruously, we are able to host South Africa’s Freedom Day reception in a restaurant overlooking the splendid harbour and beach. Gunfire rattles up and down the street, briefly interrupting our proceedings, as some militia or other celebrates news of the recovery from hospital of a wounded comrade. Idle fishing boats bob in long lines in the harbour, for times are bad. They are confined by Israel to 3km of the coast and fishing is consequently unproductive. Yet, somehow, the guests are provided with a good feast in best Palestinian tradition.
A Fucked Up Place
We are leaving through Tel Aviv airport and the Israeli official catches my accent. “Are you South African?’ he asks in an unmistakable Gauteng accent. The young man left Benoni as a child in 1985. “How’s Israel?” I ask. “This is a f**ked-up place,” he laughs, “I’m leaving for Australia soon.”
“Down under?” I think. I’ve just been, like Alice, down under into a surreal world that is infinitely worse than apartheid. Within a few hours I am in Northern Ireland, a guest at the swearing in of the Stormont power-sharing government of Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness.
Not even PW Botha or Ariel Sharon were once as extreme as Ian Paisley in his most riotous and bigoted days. Ireland was under England’s boot for 800 years, South Africa’s colonial-apartheid order lasted 350 years. The Zionist colonial-settler project stems from the 1880s. The Israeli ruling class, corrupt and with no vision, can no longer rule in the old way. The Palestinians are not prepared to be suppressed any longer. What is needed is Palestinian unity behind their democratically elected national government, reinforced by popular struggles of Palestinians and progressive Israelis, supported by international solidarity.
South Africa’s stated position is clear. The immediate demands are recognition of the government of national unity, the lifting of economic sanctions and blockade of the Palestinian territories, an end to the 40-year-old military occupation and resumption of negotiations for a two-state solution.
On a final note, the invitation to Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh as head of a national unity government was welcomed by President Mahmoud Abbas, and will be dealt with by our government.
As they say in Arabic: “Insha ’Allah [God-willing].”
Not in his Name
Gideon Levy, Israel’s finest political commentator, describes his own encounter with Kasrils.
At the conference luncheon, Ronnie Kasrils, South Africa’s minister for intelligence services, hurried over to grab a seat next to us. Kasrils, a Jew, had never been to Israel (where he has relatives) until his visit to the territories earlier in the month, when he invited Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh to his country. He then made his first, quick trip to Tel Aviv, saw Rabin Square and ate fish in Jaffa. “It was the most pleasant evening I had,” he acknowledges.
Tom Segev once wrote that he is “a guy I wouldn’t choose to be stuck in an elevator with,” but I would be glad to get stuck with Ronnie Kasrils, inside or outside an elevator. He is a Jew in conflict with his people, perhaps also with his identity – a courageous freedom fighter and communist, who joined the oppressed race in its struggle, was exiled from his country for 27 years and is now a minister.
A son of Lithuanian Jews, who had a bar mitzvah and belonged to Jewish youth movements, Kasrils is one of the most fascinating characters to come out of the local Jewish community – which now thoroughly denounces him. He brandishes his Jewishness openly, perhaps defiantly, even when he recently made an official visit to Iran and Syria. He once founded a movement called “Not in My Name,” to underscore his disassociation from the injustices committed by Israel in the territories. Ronnie Kasrils hates the Israeli occupation.
When we talked he said the Israeli occupation is worse than apartheid: The whites never shelled the black neighborhoods with tanks and artillery.
Just like the pogroms
If this warm, outgoing 69-year-old has any personal security protection, it is invisible. We sat in a vacant room in a building on the University of Pretoria campus and talked. “You’re an Israeli and I’m a South African,” he emphasized immediately, as if to negate any common identity. “I’m confident that the circle will be closed one day and people will understand that I’m not anti-Jewish or anti-Israeli … It really pains me as a Jew that in this country such hostility has developed toward Israel, because of its treatment of the Palestinians …
“When we saw on television the drama going on in your country, the oppressive pictures of the methods you use toward the Palestinians, the uprooting of trees, the tanks entering Jenin, and the old woman weeping over the demolition of her house and crying ‘The Jews, the Jews’ – it’s just like what my grandmother used to tell me about the pogroms: The Cossacks are coming, the Cossacks are coming. I’m trying to say: It’s not the Jews, it’s Zionisms that’s doing this. So I decided to get up and say something. I found this in the Jewish tradition: to open your mouth, in the name of conscience.
“The man who greeted me when I returned to South Africa after the years of exile was Rabbi Cyril Harris … He gave me a red skullcap with a dedication: to the freedom fighter. When I started to express criticism of Israel, I thought that the Jews would denounce Ariel Sharon, but then I found out that I was naive. I was stunned to see that the Jewish community here didn’t care who was in power in Israel and how extreme the policy was against the Palestinians … They would blindly support any government. Rabbi Harris became my enemy. He called me a fringe Jew and my response was: We were the only ones who stood up against apartheid and now we’re the minority against the injustice.
“When I visited the territories I also passed through Israel and I saw the forests that cover the remnants of the Palestinian villages. As a former forestry minister, this was especially striking to me. I also went into a few settlements. It was insane. Young Americans spat on the flag that was on my car. The occupation reminds me of the darkest days of apartheid, but we never saw tanks and planes firing at a civilian population. It’s a monstrousness I’d never seen before. The wall you built, the checkpoints and the roads for Jews only – it turns the stomach, even for someone who grew up under apartheid. It’s a hundred times worse.
“We know from our experience that oppression motivates resistance and that the more savage the oppression, the harsher the resistance. At a certain point in time you think that the oppression is working, and that you’re controlling the other people, imprisoning its leaders and its activists, but the resistance will triumph in the end.“We saw the entrance to Qalqilyah, the wall, the people standing hours in line at the checkpoints. It’s a beautiful country, I love its landscapes, but I know that it’s big enough to contain more people. Israel has developed very impressively, but how much more impressive it would be if you brought about a just solution … I don’t care if it’s two states or one – it’s up to you, the Israelis and the Palestinians, to decide.
“I had coffee with the commander of the Erez checkpoint. It reminded me of the central prison in Pretoria, a place I’ve visited many times. And it was so awful to go through this thing in order to get to Gaza. At first I said that I don’t want to speak with the man at the checkpoint, but then I decided that was foolish. The Israelis were actually very nice to me.
“What is Zionism to me? When I was 10 years old, it meant security and a national home for the Jews. I waved the Israeli flag at my bar mitzvah and I was very proud of my Judaism. The first book I received for my bar mitzvah was ‘The Revolt,’ by Menachem Begin. My biggest hero was Asher Ginsberg, Ahad Ha’am … Later on I started reading not only Herzl, but also [historians] Ilan Pappe, Benny Morris and Tom Segev, and I came to see 1948 in a different light. I understood that it was an ethnic cleansing.
“South Africa changed me and strengthened my South African identity. And then I began to understand that the main problem of Zionism is the exclusivity of the establishment of a national home and the concept of the chosen people. Very soon I started to oppose it. The establishment of a national home for Jews alone seemed to me like a parallel of apartheid. The apartheid leaders also spoke about a chosen people. In 1961, prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd said that Israel is like South Africa. That opened my eyes. For many years we were also aware of the military cooperation between Israel and South Africa – a joint offensive naval force, missile boats, the Cheetah planes and the big secret of the nuclear weapons. Prime minister Johannes Vorster, who had a declared Nazi past, received a hero’s welcome from you. This added to my feelings regarding Israel.
“I am very conscious of the Holocaust and of anti-Semitism, but my experience here leads me to one conclusion: that all forms of racism must be fought by means of a common struggle. I have a dream: That you will change your outlook, as happened here, and that change will come. When politicians reach agreements, it’s amazing how fast ordinary folks can come to a change in thinking. Change the leadership and the economic conditions and you’ll see how easy the change is.”
Blixkrieg: Stop Dimona
May 28, 2007
Lately Hans Blix has been showing a bit of the spine I thought he never had. YNet reports:
Israel should comply with the same demand being made of Iran, to cease its nuclear fuel-cycle and stop enriching uranium, Hans Blix, Chairman of the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission (WMDC), told Ynetnews Thursday.
Blix had earlier delivered a speech at the International Conference on Preventing Nuclear Catastrophe being held in Luxembourg, where he warned that the “world is sleep-walking into nuclear rearmament.”
Formally a top UN weapons inspector, Blix now heads the Sweden-based WMDC, which says it aims to “forge realistic and constructive ideas and proposals aimed at the greatest possible reduction of the dangers of weapons of mass destruction.” …
“We assume Israel has 200 nuclear warheads. Stop the work in Dimona,” Blix said.
He outlined the Commission’s vision for a nuclear free Middle East, and called on Israel to consider a “cessation of reprocessing of uranium” as a step to “contribute to the collective security of the Middle East.” …
“The best way to guarantee security is a WMD free zone,” Blix said. He said the Middle East should go down the road of the Korean peninsula, where both North and South Korea committed themselves to ridding the region of WMDs.