Iraq in Fragments
January 26, 2007

Dir: James Longley, 2006, USA, Documentary, 96 mins
Muhammad Idrees Ahmad, Media Monitors Network, January 28, 2007; Dissident Voice, January 29, 2007; Atlantic Free Press, January 29, 2007, Electronic Iraq, January 30, 2007; Counterpunch, February 3-4, 2007
The realism means that both films are restrained from taking a political stance and depicting the wider context of the events…This lack of “cognitive mapping” is crucial. All we see are the disastrous effects. — Slavoj Zizek on WTC and United 93
In the years since the invasion of Iraq, many documentaries have attempted to record its consequences: the violence; the occupation; the plunder. The focus has ranged from the anthropological to geopolitical, just as the production has varied from the bland to the spectacular. With the urgency of the political reality taking preeminence, the myriad documentary renderings have hitherto failed to present a sustained portrait of life in occupied Iraq. Iraq in Fragments – the distilled product of more than two years and 300 hours of filming – is James Longley’s splendid contribution towards filling this void.
The title, like the rest of the film, is open to interpretation: it could be a description of present day Iraq disintegrating into Sunni, Shia and Kurdish fragments; of the internal fragmentation of the Iraqi society; or the three fragments from which the film is constructed. What distinguishes the film from all others, is the hypnotic intimacy that puts the viewer into the heads of Longley’s subjects. The stunning cinematography and the profound subjectivity add depth to this masterful work of art.
Muhammad of Baghdad, the first part, follows an 11-year-old Sunni orphan who apprentices for a mechanic while struggling at school. Despite the abuse he has to endure at work, Muhammad continues to look up to the boss, whose frequently cruel treatment is interspersed, at times, with avuncular generosity.
Sadr’s South, the second part, follows Sheikh Aws al-Khafaji, a 32-year-old member of Muqtada al-Sadr’s Hawza movement as he organizes local elections to preempt the American orchestrated electoral charade designed to give legitimacy to appointed surrogates. Hope, apprehension and fear, in a backdrop of slow burning rage. The insistent beat of the self-flagellation in an Ashura procession could be the rhythm driving the inexorable march of history that carries the Shia, with their new found confidence, towards the dominance long denied them; here is a People asserting its identity in bloody rituals long suppressed under Saddam’s imposed secularism.
Kurdish Spring, the third part, follows two families in the almost idyllic setting of Koretan, near Erbil, straddling the contradictions of the promised “liberation and progress” with the tangible reality of their daily lives, yet to see the promises materialize. An appropriately bleak motif is lent the story by the dark billowing smoke of a brick factory. The deep friendship between the children of the two families develops oblivious to the developing circumstances, even as unemployed men – able bodied, “with big moustaches” – find it harder to ignore as they are turned away from the brick factory empty handed.
In his superb use of Cinéma vérité techniques, Longley has developed an impressionistic portrait rich in moving detail. By spending endless hours following his subjects without inserting himself into the narrative, he allows their stories to develop organically. The occupation itself receives a second billing where all the references to it are passive. It is clear, however, that the occupation has added another layer of complexity to lives already disrupted by the crippling privation of two brutal regimes: Saddam’s; and the US-UK imposed sanctions.
The film’s greatest achievement is perhaps also its biggest weakness: the film’s intimate focus and the virtual absence of the occupation — except in the occasional ruminations of subjects – fails to take into account its all encompassing embrace. It is the saturated, often dazzling, hues of the beautifully shot images, as much as the endless grays of the narrative that perhaps account for its appeal, which transcends ideological boundaries. The film, in the end, is vague enough that it could serve to reinforce views whether for, or against the war. This might ensure a wider audience for the film, but contributes little to the understanding of what afflicts the subjects, so beautifully humanized in the film.
The immorality of the invasion and occupation of Iraq is unquestionable; there are incontrovertible standards — the Nuremberg laws and Geneva Conventions for instance — to judge it by. For all its brilliance, the film scrupulously avoids articulating a position on the occupation. For this –while it deserves each one of the awards it has receieved, not to mention those, like the Oscar, which it may receive in the future – it remains a compelling work of art, rather than an instrument of political change.
January 28, 2007 at 1:09 am
This film is really worth watching.
Film Review: Fallujah 2004
http://www.ramallahonline.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=2263
as is this one
Fallujah: the hidden massacre
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/11/08/1516227
January 29, 2007 at 10:35 pm
Yes,Fallujah was a horrendous war crime which the mainstream media not only totally sanitized but on occasions actually gloated over.This was the Iraqi town chosen by the US as the sacrificial lamb on which the occupiers would break the resistance and terrorize other centres of resitance into submission.
Channel 4 broadcast US troops telling embedded reporters they were going to bring hell to Fallujah,and filmed GIs killing supposed resistance fighters long after they had surrendered.
We now know what the cruel,genocidal cowards perpetrated and we now also know that Fallujah is still resisting and like most of Iraq will never be pacified until the US is driven out.Moreover the US problems in controlling Iraq now stem greatly from the crimes they committed ( lest we forget with British connivance )in 2004.When Sunni leaders said their people would boycott elections Cheney and Rumsfeld with typical arrogance declared that Sunni participation could be dispensed with.It was deemed unnecessary to prevent Shias from assuming control of the vital organs of the state.
What the US sought to avoid by crushing Sunni and Shia resistance ( around Najaf in the latter case )and provoking civil war was to avoid fighting a war on two unwinnable fronts.That daunting prospect has not gone away.Sectarian violence will level out as fighters on both sides perioritize the rejection of US forces,and removal of the weak Maliki-led government.The writing is on the wall while Bush struggles to find the light switch!
Freeborn